Haifaa Al Mansour's Wadjda: Revolutionary Art or Pro-State Propaganda?

[Image of a scene from the film \"Wadjda\"] [Image of a scene from the film \"Wadjda\"]

Haifaa Al Mansour's Wadjda: Revolutionary Art or Pro-State Propaganda?

By : Tariq al Haydar طارق الحيدر

H.G. Carrillo is the author of the excellent Loosing My Espanish, which is why I jumped at the chance to enroll in his Fiction Writing course at the George Washington University. On the first day of class, as I was looking through the syllabus, this caught my attention:

Artists, by virtue of placing pen to paper or paint to canvas, differentiate themselves from craftspersons in their acceptance of the responsibility for the creation of both problem and solution.  The first line of a poem, the first notes in a score, the first sentence of even the shortest of narratives, establishes a contract between artist and audience in which the artist assumes the role of guide and arbiter of a fully realized, carefully hewed journey. 

When analyzing any piece of art, a good place to start one’s inquiry is this “contract” between artist and audience. The “creation of both problem and solution” is the “project” that determines the parameters by which a work of art is measured. For example, one could posit that the “project” of Abdulrahman Munif’s Cities of Salt explores the effects of the discovery of oil—the destruction of existing modes of life, greed, exploitation, etc.—on a certain population. Or we could say that the project of “Liberals, but…,” an episode of the Saudi television program Tash Ma Tash, critiques so-called Saudi intellectuals, especially when their professed values clash with their interests. In short, any work of art establishes a project wherein the artist grapples with the set of problems she has set up. The way the artist executes this determines the success of the work.

Saudis, along with everyone else, have been hearing for months about Haifaa Al Mansour’s Wadjda, and about the Saudi government’s backing of the film. The end of 2013 marked the peak of the annual awards season. Critics assembled best-of-the-year lists, many of which featured Wadjda. It won several awards, such as the CinemAvvenire Award at the Venice Film Festival. The San Francisco Film Critics CircleIt named it Best Foreign Language Film. It was nominated for a BAFTA award. Whenever I hear about another award or read another rave review, I ask myself: Has Wadjda received universal acclaim because it is an exceptional work of art, where the director has successfully grappled with the problems she set up in her “project”? Or does it have more to do with the fact that this is the first film shot entirely in Saudi Arabia, and, more importantly, that its director happens to be a Saudi woman?

In order to begin to answer this question, we must examine the film itself. What is the project of Wadjda? The opening scene is set in an all-girls school, where a group of female students—all wearing drab, dark uniforms—recite a hymn. The teacher turns on a recorder. A (male) voice sings the hymn while the students repeat the verses. The teacher pauses the tape and sternly instructs the girls to “stay in their places.” The camera focuses on the girls’ shoes—all black, plain and identical. They step aside to reveal Wadjda’s Converse All-Stars with purple laces, which mark her as different from the other girls. Wadjda, an exceptional Saudi female, locates a part of her body (her feet) where she can express her personality, individuality and independence. Two older girls walk by, carrying a globe. Smiling, Wadjda waves to them. The teacher scolds Wadjda and calls her to the front of the class. Although the teacher had glimpsed Wadjda’s gesture, the way the camera focuses on her purple laces suggests that her individuality, her willingness to break rank, is what draws the ire of the teacher, who demands that Wadjda recite the hymn from memory. She stutters. The teacher exclaims, “Since you refuse to speak up, you can leave.” Outside, the establishing shot is a close-up of Wadjda’s purple laces. We see Wadjda standing alone in front of the principal’s office, underneath a scorching sun. The sun’s rays reflect off the school’s metal fence, an image that evokes a prison.

Through this opening scene, director Haifaa Al Mansour establishes her project. She has illustrated how a Saudi female who dares to express herself in a way that does not conform to the norm will be censured, punished, and perhaps even expelled. The audience now prepares for a journey in which the director will act as guide and arbiter, where she will illustrate how and why Saudi women are repressed. But how “fully crafted” and “carefully hewed” is Al Mansour’s film? How did she approach the problems she presented in the opening scenes of Wadjda?

Fahad Al-Estaa gushed over Wadjda in the Saudi magazine The Majalla: “the script was lucid, with a good rhythm and smooth transitions from one scene to the next, which reflects the time and effort spent on a screenplay that took years to complete.” I am not sure what parameters Al-Estaa used in his estimation. Perhaps his judgment was affected by the film’s international success, because the plot is far from lucid. Events unfold as a series of non-sequiturs. This, in and of itself, is not necessarily a problem. Some stories need to be told in this way, as the non-linear narratives of Pulp Fiction or Laurence Sterne’s The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman demonstrate. Wadjda, however, is pretty linear. There is no artistic reason to justify this storytelling technique. Al Mansour apparently felt compelled to insert herself into the narrative and indulge in lengthy exposition about what she perceives to be the roots of women’s repression in Saudi Arabia: polygyny, child marriage, terrorists who commit violent acts in order to obtain seventy-two virgins (apparently, terrorists lack political motivation). And it is not like critics failed to notice these flaws. Chris Hewitt of the St. Paul Pioneer Press, for example, calls the storytelling “clumsy.” Ignatiy Vishnevetsky writes in the A.V. Club that “discussions of child marriage and suicide bombing feel shoehorned in, as though Al-Mansour realized at the last minute that she’d finished the screenplay without mentioning either.” This is not to say that Wadjda has no redeeming qualities. For starters, Waad Mohammad, in the title role, gives a great performance. My point is, if Wadjda is a passable but ultimately forgettable film, why did it receive universal acclaim and win so many awards? Did critics fall in love with the film or the story behind it: A female director from repressive Saudi Arabia, living with her American husband in neighboring Bahrain, struggles—guerilla-style—to make a film in the streets of Riyadh which exposes a backward, uncivilized society. It seems to me that Wadjda’s reception reflects that old imperial dream, what Gayatri Spivak described as “white men saving brown women from brown men.”

Which brings us to the film’s most crucial failure. If Wadjda had merely been a middling film that managed to garner some international attention, I may have derived some satisfaction from the fact that a fellow Saudi had directed it. I am arguing, however, that it is far more insidious. When Haifaa Al Mansour afforded herself the freedom to insert herself into the film and make authorial interjections (in the form of non-sequiturs) to point out all the “root causes” of women’s repression in Saudi Arabia, she did nothing more than blame “society.” According to Wadjda, Saudi “society” is patriarchal, repressive, backward and sexist. What of the state? Does the Saudi state repress in Wadjda? No. The final scene illustrates how the Saudi state figures into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides the green (the national color) bicycle she had been dreaming of, we see a bus adorned with a large sticker. The sticker displays the Saudi flag and images of the most senior state actors, along with a state slogan that roughly translates as “May the Glory of the Nation Endure.” I read this as an overt statement (in Arabic) of deference to the state, one I imagine must be lost on a Western audience. Wadjda and her bicycle pass by the bus. The camera lingers momentarily on this sticker before catching up with Wadjda, who has sped past her (male) friend and neighbor, Abdullah. Her ability to outmaneuver her male companion cements her status as an exceptional Saudi female. She stops at an intersection where the road meets a crowded street full of cars. Wadjda stops here and smiles. The next step, moving onto a highway with cars, is not an easy one. The exceptional Saudi female requires the help of the state—that benevolent, civilized, enlightened apparatus—to bypass the barbaric, patriarchal society.

If we agree that Wadjda set up a project that aims to explore women’s repression in Saudi Arabia, it becomes abundantly clear that the film has failed to address the problem honestly. In the aftermath of the attacks on Washington and New York on 11 September 2001, Lila Abu-Lughod was invited to appear on several television shows to discuss terrorism. Abu-Lughod, a professor of Anthropology and Women`s and Gender Studies at Columbia University, was asked repeatedly and exclusively about the terrorists’ religious convictions: Does the Quran tell Muslims to kill non-Muslims? Why is Islam inherently violent? Does sexual repression produce terrorism? Abu-Lughod was taken aback, because terrorism is a political, not a cultural, phenomenon. She describes the experience in Do Muslim Women Need Saving? in which she proposes “writing against culture,” that is, writing in a way that exposes facile explanations of phenomena such as “patriarchy” that constantly resort to the “cultural” and elide the political.

Let us be clear: Al Mansour is not obligated to make an overtly political film simply because she is Saudi. As an artist, she put that responsibility on herself, through the project of her film. Nobody forced her to make a film that aimed to explore women’s repression in Saudi Arabia. In this context, eliding the political constitutes, paradoxically, a political act. It is not apolitical for Al Mansour to depict patriarchy as merely a product of society or culture. Once we affirm that Wadjda is about women’s repression in Saudi Arabia (and the director herself has opined that it is in interviews), it cannot escape being a political film. Its director’s choices merely determine what kind of political statement it makes.

It does not require extraordinary intelligence to conclude that the political statement the film makes is specious. I do not mean to minimize patriarchal social practices when I say that “society” does not wield the same power as the state. It cannot, however, discipline and punish like the state. Saudi “society” has not erected prisons and filled them with dissenters. If we are talking about women’s lack of mobility, it is not “society” that pulls women over and interrogates them when they attempt to drive. Neither does “society” have the power to issue permits to institutions like the Saudi Arabian Society for Culture and Arts (SASCA), which submitted Wadjda to the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences as a Saudi entry. In A Most Masculine State, Madawi Al-Rasheed illustrates how, post-9/11, the Saudi state has resorted to celebrating “exceptional” Saudi women who managed to rise above society’s (not the state’s!) barbarism and patriarchy, because “the soft face of the cosmopolitan, sophisticated, and articulate woman was the best weapon the state could summon in its war not only against terrorism, but also against its demonization in the international community.” Haifaa Al Mansour is one of these “exceptional” women who, as Al-Rasheed states, are willing to go along with the state’s agenda because “it is an irresistible opportunity to gain more rights and visibility.” Sultan Al-Bazei, head of SASCA, said as much when he stated that “the authorities have given the film their blessing and fully support it.” So let us gush over this film, which depicts women’s repression in Saudi Arabia as a purely social/cultural issue that has nothing to do with authoritarian rule. Let us applaud this brave artist, this cosmopolitan, sophisticated, articulate, exceptional Saudi woman, who received the full support of the authorities and then thanked His Royal Highness Prince Al-Waleed ibn Talal in the credits. She deserves a boatload of BAFTAs. Haifaa Al Mansour truly is the best weapon.

[Translated by the author. Click here for the original article in Arabic.]

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Laughing Through the Tears: Satirical Theatre From the Peninsula

There is a genre of satirical theatre from the Arab world that is correctly presumed dead. Famous among millions, Egyptian plays like Madrasat al-Mushaghibeen [The School of Criminals], Shahed Ma Shafsh Haga [A Witness Who Saw Nothing], and Al ‘Eyal Kebret [The Kids Have Grown Up] retain iconic, if “vintage” status in popular culture throughout the Arabic-speaking world. Their witticisms still grace daily conversations decades after they were first performed. And while the popularity of their jibes and cutting reversals can easily rest on the comedic—almost poetic—genius of their performers’ rendition, it was the seething political critique that surged out of their scripts that guaranteed their popularity. As cultural products, their longevity rests on deriding an Arab political establishment considered as fatuous today as it was then. As ordinary people use a variety of media in increasingly creative ways to mock authority across the Arab world, it is in the peninsula that online satire has become particularly voluminous given the closure on protesting in public spaces and the general level of censorship. Even with this resurgence of online satire of both an outwardly political, and broadly social variety, it might be fitting to reflect on a satirical arsenal in which the stage was always a fundamental part, but has since been in retreat.

These plays were largely performed in Sadat’s Egypt, the so-called Infitah era [“Open Door” policy]: a dull mixture of Reagano-Thatcherite free market dogma and political capitulation that occasionally still masquerades as a form of sagacity. Predictably, the themes of selfish individualism, social dislocation, familial disintegration, political helplessness, and moral degeneracy appear repeatedly in them. A cluster of plays of this satirical order was consistently produced in Kuwait in the decade after the third Arab-Israeli war and the subsequent, and most infamous, oil boom of 1973-1974. The peninsula’s rulers touted the oil boycott of the 1970s as a brave moment of Arab solidarity. Ironically, it was also the moment when all but the most nominal commitments to a previously popular, if not dominant (among people not governments), politics of Arab nationalism in the Gulf Arab states were severed. The ideological reversal was so swift that only humor could express that bizarre experience of simultaneous economic abundance and political enfeeblement. It is toward that singular irony that satirists in Kuwait aimed their critical voice at the time.

Of these plays, one in particular struck a deep chord with the wider public. Bye Bye London (1981) was a performance with a cast that collectively retains the status of household legend: Intisar Al Sharrah, the late Maryam Al-Ghadhban, and most famous of all, Abdulhussain Abdulredha, among others. The play presciently introduced its characters as a set of well-fed and politically anaesthetized stereotypes. These were clichés that were popularized only much later in the imaginary of other Arabs and Westerners, such as the immensely wealthy Kuwaiti businessman checking his cholesterol in a London hotel lobby, Shaared; the Saudi camel herder turned international arms dealer, Nahhash; the conniving and opportunistic (and Zionist) hotel manager, Adam; the overweight and jealous Kuwaiti housewife masquerading as an African rubber merchant, Sabeeka; the Moroccan immigrant, L’arbi, trying to make ends meet in Europe. Through them, the play derides the spendthrift, the glutton, and the sycophant where the extravagance of the Gulf has always reached, as it still does, its most uninhibited heights: London. 

Reveling in Charades

The play’s plot is circuitous, but the theme is clear. London is a city of vultures eager and waiting to feed off the naiveté of its wealthy new visitors who have come to indulge their desires. Smiling into a deep, dark glass of whiskey at his hotel bar, a contented Shaared gets to know his Arab brethren “in estrangement” [fil ghurba]. He commiserates with his new Saudi friend Nahhash, with the two comparing their wives in a frenzy of chauvinism. “I don’t take her out at night,” says Nahhash. When asked why, he replies, “the moon saw her once and eclipsed instantly.” Shaared contends that his wife, “that tent without pegs,” is the “root of my high blood pressure,” and the reason he is in London, to relieve himself amongst its “escaped gazelles.” Chests out and wallets flapping, they congratulate themselves, practically martyrs for living so long with those “thirsty goats.”

But as they gamble away huge sums, revel in alcohol, prostitutes, and each other’s good company, their self-satisfied amusement episodically breaks down and things start to go wrong. Adam, the hotel manager, conspires with pretty escorts to blackmail the Arab hotel guests into paying increasingly absurd prices to keep the police quiet. The two guests look at each, knowing exactly why their advances are gleefully received by the ladies. The fig leaf of Arab male prowess falls off to expose two lonely middle-aged men at a bar. They realize that as individuals, they are but tolerated discharges of a faraway bonanza, their wealth endured despite themselves, wealth that is mostly not theirs to command beyond the odd frolic abroad and a few expensive cars. Throughout all of this Shaared maintains an uneasy tension between his desire to enjoy himself and the delusion of actual enjoyment. He is, in essence, a simple man who is old enough to read folly in excess, and expresses that by puncturing his fellow travellers’ plans for self-amusement at every turn, such as the wholesale purchase of Piccadilly Circus. I cannot help but read an early Michael Moore in the play’s author; it is Stupid Arab Men, their mental habits and privilege, that is the true target of derision here.

Heroines in Disguise

With the recently enriched middle-aged man established as the play’s target, the plot turns toward their potential saviors: their wives. Without him knowing, Sabeeka, Shaared’s wife, who he had left in Kuwait, is angry and hot on his heels. Loud and rotund, she arrives looking for him with her wide-eyed daughter. She throws off her black abaya [cloak] upon arriving at the hotel, orders a drink at the bar, and starts giggling contentedly. She dismisses her daughter’s moralizing disapproval as nonsensical claptrap and starts plotting her revenge. The generational divide between what is portrayed as a more worldly older generation and a righteous new one reaches its height when Sabeeka, to the horror of her daughter, strikes up a conversation with a strange man at the bar who she validates as her “Arab brother.” Despite the play’s few misogynistic moments, its women are fearless, undaunted by men or the vast foreign city. They share none of the male characters’ naiveté.

To save her husband from himself, she must catch him red-handed, and so proceeds to disguise herself as an African rubber trader visiting London for business. Braiding and beading her hair in a tight weave, Sabeeka becomes “Sabkahaawa” and now looks “like the lady on the imported chick-pea tins.” Her encounters with other women are fraught, yet she trundles along, unlike Shaared, with purpose, eventually finding her husband who has gotten himself into even more trouble. Her daughter, however, has gone shopping on Oxford Street. 

Facing the Tragedy, Mocking the Farce

But trickery and inequity do not begin and end with the libidinous escapades of Arab men. They take on more colossal proportions during perhaps the most telling scene in the play that inevitably, as any expression of Arab defeat must, involves Palestine. Nahhash, the Bedouin arms dealer (dressed in banana yellow robes) is sold a shipment of weapons (ostensibly also arranged by their intrepid hotel manager, Adam), a sample of which arrives at his hotel in a briefcase. The arms consist of hand guns that trigger ballistic missiles through an electronic guidance system, and a map: a weapon where you do almost nothing and get everything (somewhat like a drone or a banker’s bonus.) The “spectacularly advanced system,” Nahhash explains, allows its possessor to aim anywhere on the accompanying map, pull the trigger, and guarantee the total obliteration of that particular geographic spot. Meanwhile, the prototype gun mockingly waved around the stage is a harmless plastic children’s toy that makes sharp bleeping noises—an allusion to the bogus weapons sold to and used by Arab armies during the Nakba in 1948. Nevertheless, Nahhash takes out the map, and shows it to a skeptical Shaared. They sit ruminating on the most appropriate target to destroy. After considering several countries, Shaared turns to Nahhash with a knowing, almost lustful look and exclaims: “If you want to free us all, aim here and shoot!” “You will destroy that country, that maker of orphans and widows, you know it!” With their hands on the gun, they both stand up, take aim on the map, close their eyes, and pull—and the result is a long, loud, fart! Nothing mixes tragedy and comedy in the Arab world as much as the hot air of political promise.

It is perhaps the clearest expression of the desire to defeat the ultimate enemy, Israel, but also their complete impotence to the task. It was an acknowledgement that limitless wealth is nothing more than a cruel joke in the form of a phallus-shaped plastic toy. It is not surprising that the trope of impotent weaponry came from Arabs who were at the time, in the 1970s, perceived to possess that most potent of “Arab” weapons, petroleum. As economics became the most successful of the social sciences, so did the perceived political power of the commodity on which economic life rested most fundamentally.

A Lighthearted Lament

The play’s most forceful critique, one diffused throughout, is reserved for what Arabs have always loathed the most about themselves: their divisiveness. As a political condition, political disunity and sectarianism enjoy the unnerving status of universal panacea/explanation of all political ills. At the same time, the specter of political unity among Arabs acts as a re-assuring palliative that soothes collective consciousness between an “if only,” a “one day,” and a “for sure.” There was a time when oil, and the oil producing heartlands of the Arab world, were central to such reassuring political futures. However, as an ideologically charged commodity, oil remains a socially invisible force beyond its effects on “political outcomes” and “regime types.”

Bye Bye London’s take on Arab division and disunity is achieved by signifying the ideological crack between the Gulf and the rest of the Arab world that has now evolved into a gaping chasm, best exemplified in the prevailing attitude in the peninsula of “revolution abroad but never at home.” As a more cynical, almost ridiculous view of radical or revisionist politics crept in throughout the Gulf after 1974, the region’s equivalent of America’s baby boomers had experienced poverty, the hopes of “Third World” nationalism, and First World apathy in a single generation. Such repeated political metamorphosis was, however, often interrupted by rare moments of self-reflection—expressed by few artists unwilling to indulge the political tides. Rather than revel in nostalgia, or indeed in romanticized notions of Arab nationalism, a few of them took on the task of critique forcefully by asking: How do you comport yourself toward political failure? How do you express the political reality of “unreal” wealth? Is it perhaps a wealth that is not even yours? Never amalgamated into a successful anti-colonial nationalist tradition, what is left of a collective political project in which the Gulf Arab states could be part of less than a decade after their independence? Apart from the novel, the most famous of which is Munif’s Cities of Salt, satirical theatre was one conduit through which that reflexive moment could reach audiences. A political stab on stage could deviate from a script at an irresistibly opportune moment, and often lead to raucous applause from spectators eager to recognize even fleeting instants of political bravery. The combined subtlety and bombast of these theatrical scripts were so incisive that even censors may have resigned themselves to a chuckle as they sat, as they must have, diligently watching these plays.

Before the flag-waving bonanza that followed the 1990 Gulf War, when popular culture was soaked in a jingoistic patriotism still with us today, it was not unusual to hear the remnants of more radical politics in the peninsula. The beauty of this play is that if it cannot revive that tradition, it can at least flirt with it. It sabotages the cherished vocabularies of tradition and unquestioning commitment to the status quo. Its beauty lies in its unsentimentality, the combination of crudity and elegance, as well as that seamless double take: to present the ridiculous, and then ridicule it instantly, leaving the audience somehow perturbed and reassured at the same time. Its characters go back and forth between the two tenors with an ease and eloquence that forces even the actors themselves to laugh off-script in unintended moments of total dramatic nudity. But it is the ability to wield a sense of humor combined with the political potency of mocking Arab governments and rulers that made Bye Bye London’s a cast so loved in households from Kuwait to Jeddah. Humor is highly prized in the peninsula, perhaps because of its likeness to poetry in its alliterative and revelatory powers. That is perhaps why joke-makers have always been another elite invested with a mild, but nonetheless prophetic power. After all, there is much poetry and thrill in the well-rendered jibe, particularly if it is directed at someone far more powerful than oneself.